Nicholas Kristof has a very interesting commentary in yesterday's New York Times.
THIS is what poverty sometimes looks like in America: parents here in Appalachian hill country pulling their children out of literacy classes. Moms and dads fear that if kids learn to read, they are less likely to qualify for a monthly check for having an intellectual disability.
Many people in hillside mobile homes here are poor and desperate, and a $698 monthly check per child from the Supplemental Security Income program goes a long way — and those checks continue until the child turns 18.
The incentives in place are abhorrently destructive, and as Kristof notes, should be changed. But he then goes on to say:
I don’t want to suggest that America’s antipoverty programs are a total failure. On the contrary, they are making a significant difference. Nearly all homes here in the Appalachian hill country now have electricity and running water, and people aren’t starving.
Our political system has created a particularly robust safety net for the elderly, focused on Social Security and Medicare — because the elderly vote. This safety net has brought down the poverty rate among the elderly from about 35 percent in 1959 to under 9 percent today.
BECAUSE kids don’t have a political voice, they have been neglected — and have replaced the elderly as the most impoverished age group in our country. Today, 22 percent of children live below the poverty line.
Let's talk about incentives again, but this time it's the incentives of the welfare bureaucracy—they're corrupt. Imagine you've been hired for some stated objective and that, if you succeed at this objective, your job becomes unnecessary and obsolete. Do you have any incentive to succeed? Probably not. In fact, you have every incentive to expand your task in some way.
Michael Tanner notes here that from 1965 to 2010, local, state and federal governments spent collectively more than $15 trillion fighting poverty. Poverty won. There has actually been an increase in the number of people living in poverty and in the poverty rate in the U.S. since expand government jobs Medicare and Great Society programs were initiated in 1965? Check out the graph below. Notice how poverty was declining until 1965 and, as Charles Murray pointed out decades ago, then started increasing.
Why have anti-poverty programs targeted at the elderly largely succeeded at reducing poverty among the elderly, as Kristof notes, whereas anti-poverty programs targeted for the rest of the U.S. have largely failed at their supposed objective? It's all in the incentives. Not just for the recipients, but also incentives for the politicians and bureaucrats in charge of these programs.
Social Security and Medicare are age-dependent programs, not income-dependent. You are entitled to the former regardless of income and the latter is only slightly means tested. Once someone gets on Social Security and Medicare, how much wealth they have doesn't matter; they are not kicked off. In other words, since Social Security checks are issued to recipients regardless of income, and Medicare is barely means tested, a reduction in the poverty rate among the elderly does not decrease the budgets of the Social Security Administration and the Department of Health and Human Services. On the other hand, if anti-poverty programs actually succeeded in reducing poverty, let's just say by one-half, the bureaucrats who run the programs won't be throwing parties and tooting their own horns. They have no incentive to succeed because it means cutting their budgets and, therefore, reducing their influence and possibly losing their jobs. In fact, for this reason the incentive is for the politicians and bureaucrats charged with funding and running these agencies to cry wolf louder and longer in order to increase their budgets, and consequently their influence and prestige. They work to expand eligibility requirements, increase benefits, and turn the other way when it comes to investigating and eradicating fraud.
